Chapter 81: The Champion's Return (1)

Italy’s sudden outburst caused an immediate war crisis.

Even Berlin expressed bewilderment at the unfolding situation.

“What are you relying on to provoke Britain now?”

Yeah, we’re running with faith in you.

Britain didn’t sit still in the face of Italy’s hardline stance either.

“The Eastern Mediterranean is the lifeline of the British Empire. Not guaranteeing safety in this sea area is tantamount to telling us to fight. Does Rome want a showdown with London?”

“If you don’t like it, tell them to stop sending supplies to Turkey!”

Britain countered Italy’s brinkmanship with their own brinkmanship.

“Go ahead and try. Just lay a finger on our ships.”

There were things to concede and things not to.

Germany grew anxious watching this game of chicken.

“We can’t leave those pasta guys alone. If we do, they’ll start another war with Britain.”

“Then, the United States will also make a move.”

Even Hitler thought that shouldn’t happen.

“Contact Rome. Tell them we’ll mediate, so don’t go to extremes on the Turkish issue.”

Hitler’s message had the opposite effect.

“See. The Germans can’t abandon us.”

Duce confidently boasted to his ministers.

In the end, with Germany watching their back, what did Italy have to back down from?

That argument was persuasive.

Even if they were struggling in the Soviet Union, Germany was still the top dog in Europe.

With such a Germany watching their back, what was there to fear from the likes of Britain?

“If we act tough, Britain will eventually have to back down!”

Mussolini tried to instill confidence that his great gamble would succeed, mixing in some bluffing.

If Germany really supports us to the end, Britain will back off too.

That judgment was a misjudgment.

British Foreign Secretary Churchill didn’t miss the opportunity Italy gave him and tore into it.

“The Fascists promised to abide by the peace treaty, but they did not keep their word. The dark shadow cast by the Fascists over Western Europe has still not been erased. The result of our past concessions has left only a bitter taste like this. Now Mussolini, with his military boots in the British Empire’s sea, is once again demanding we back down. Should we concede to the Fascists again today?”

It didn’t matter that this issue was triggered by the lend-lease to Turkey.

It was the fault of the Italians for trying to touch the Dardanelles-Bosphorus Strait, an area of great interest to Britain, in the first place.

“If the ‘peace for our time’ that Chamberlain spoke of has brought ruin to the free nations of Europe, then the deceptive peace of today is bringing ruin to ourselves. Free citizens, do not let the Fascists act as they please. The British Empire, as the rightful sovereign of this world, has a duty to defend freedom. Isn’t it time we face the fact that we must now fight for ourselves and the world?”

Churchill’s speech was a bombshell tantamount to a literal declaration of war.

It was a challenge.

As Britain openly took a stance to fight, Mussolini was driven into a corner.

Aren’t those bastards afraid of Germany?

Immediately, the Fascist Grand Council was thrown into turmoil.

“Duce, are you really going to fight Britain?”

“Are you sure of Germany’s guarantee?”

Amidst this, the German government issued a statement.

“Britain should remember the mercy Germany showed in the last war and not engage in a dangerous gamble. However, if the hawks in London misjudge the situation, we warn that they will only repeat the memory of 1940.”

Germany, in the end, could not abandon Italy.

If Italy showed signs of backing down to Britain here, Duce’s already eroding power base could collapse.

Germany calculated this and had no choice but to utter rhetoric threatening Britain.

“See. I told you Germany can’t abandon us!”

Germany’s war threat saved Mussolini, who was on the brink of crisis.

However, Berlin’s intervention poured fuel on the war crisis.

British public opinion, which had already been simmering due to the hardliners against Germany, had shifted to active interventionism.

“Honestly, there’s nothing we can’t fight Germany over, right?”

“This time, let’s get revenge for what we suffered in 1940!”

Unlike typical countries, great powers placed great importance on honor, or prestige.

That’s why the great powers found it extremely humiliating to surrender and kneel before the threats of other great powers.

The British Empire was a country with a very strong sense of pride, having never experienced capitulation to another great power since becoming number one.

Even in the last war, it was Britain that saved face and withdrew with the formality of an “honorable peace”.

Threatening such a country with war and telling them to back down?

Yielding here would mean it wasn’t the British Empire.

Since Germany had left no room for the British to back down, London also had no choice.

This situation wasn’t unfavorable for Britain anyway.

On the continent, there was a huge friend, the Soviet Union, fighting against the Nazis.

Hadn’t the United States also promised support?

British Prime Minister Anthony Eden expressed a resolute will.

“If you want a fight, the British Empire has no intention of shying away from the challenge.”

It was a de facto declaration of war against the Axis Powers.

Britain, which had left the front lines through the peace treaty, had re-entered the ring.

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“According to London local time, at 3 PM on August 19th, Britain declared war on Italy. Berlin is also expected to react within two hours.”

I was lost in thought after hearing the regular report from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Britain is starting a war again.

What does this mean?

Germany has been sentenced to death.

Although the importance of Britain in World War II is often overlooked, they actually played a very crucial role.

From the beginning to the end of the war, it was Britain that consistently blockaded Germany’s U-boats and cut off Nazi trade.

It was also Britain that struck German factories and served as a base for anti-Nazi guerrillas.

It was Britain that reached out to Germany’s anti-Nazi forces and influenced their coup.

The worst enemy that hindered Germany’s hegemony was its very existence.

However, a prince of the sea could never be subdued by force.

That terrifying enemy stood again on the opposite side of Germany.

In the midst of fighting the Soviet Union, a huge land military power, having such an enemy meant that the Nazis’ chances of winning had all but disappeared.

Now, the best exit strategy the Nazis could realistically hope for was an end to the war through peace negotiations.

However, neither the Soviet Union nor Britain wanted such a story.

The Nazis were finished.

The only question was how many people would die in the process, but the picture of their destruction would not change.

Then, it was time for us to start moving with the end of the war in mind.

The alliance with the Soviet Union could be advanced depending on the war situation,

I should dispatch the fleet to Europe.

Britain, which would have to face the Nazi-Italian navies simultaneously, would be short of even a single ship, so if we helped now, we could receive a lot of contributions.

Before I could instruct the Navy to plan to dispatch a fleet to the Mediterranean, British Ambassador Robert Craigie requested an audience.

Britain had already asked us before the declaration of war if we could dispatch a fleet, and I had given a positive answer to that.

This visit seemed to be an action to confirm that the promise was still valid.

“Welcome, Ambassador.”

As I offered Craigie a seat, I reaffirmed that Korea would also cooperate in the war against the Axis.

“Thank you, Your Excellency. On behalf of the British Empire government, I express my deep gratitude for Korea’s goodwill.”

“However, there are a few things I’d like to get assurances on.”

From my seat, I demanded promises from the British government.

1. Do not take issue with Korea's post-war expeditions to China and Indochina.

2. Refrain from interfering with treaties between Korea and China.

3. Provide low-interest financial support for the Korean economy.

1 and 2 were actually parts that had been discussed in advance.

The condition I added was number 3.

Currently, Korea’s financial situation is not very good due to the aftermath of running a heated economy for too long.

To resolve this, it was necessary to bring in a large amount of low-interest loans.

It would be best if the United States did it, but since New York had no reason to do so, there was no choice but to procure it from London, even if it was less than ideal.

“I will inquire with the home government.”

The ambassador responded positively.

It was a natural action, as a few pennies wouldn’t matter when they were about to fight Germany and Italy.

We exchanged a few more words about cooperation and then shook hands.

“We haven’t formally formed an alliance, but now we have become friends with the same enemy. Isn’t that right?”

“Yes, Your Excellency. The Prime Minister of our country will also be very pleased to have gained such a strong friend.”

Hmm, that’s how it should be.

Anyway, those Italian pasta bastards are dead now.

As soon as the war started, the world’s 2nd (Britain being behind the US) and 3rd largest navies joined hands and beat up the 5th.

Is there any chance of losing this?

Anyway, things have gotten a bit complicated because of Italy.

The Nazis are now getting beaten on two fronts again, with the Soviets shedding less blood than expected.

Is this picture, this structure, really okay?

Isn’t this the angle where the Reds ascend too much?

That, in itself, was a bit troublesome.

No, is that necessarily a bad thing?

The more the Soviet Union became a threatening force to the West, the more conciliatory the West would have to be towards Korea.

It’s like exchanging the threat of the Soviet Union for the friendliness of the West, but there are pros and cons to everything in the world.

I’ll have to think about it.

I decided to run the calculations again from scratch.

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